Government Spending

The Problem With Keynesianism Is Politics

05 Mar
by John, posted in Cost-Cutting, Debt, Government Spending, leadership   |  No Comments

Keynesianism fails most often in the United States not because of economics, but politics.  When I speak of Keynesianism I am oversimplifying a variety of theorists who base their thoughts on John Maynard Keynes.  Generally, I am describing those who view one of the role of governments is to borrow and spend money to lessen recessions, but in times of plenty cease borrowing and pay down debt.

This is not a post trying to resolve the Conservative view that Keynesianism fails on economic theory and data and the Liberal view that it is correct on theory and the same data.  The problem is that the proponents of Keynesianism outside the halcyon campuses of academia, those people who actually have to govern, cannot pay down debt in good times.  They either look to growth to preserve a recession’s new baseline of absolute dollar spending or they simply cannot assemble a coalition to push the cuts and debt payments through Congress.

Politicians in times of growth have a hard time not spending money.  We can debate Keynesianism.  I am afraid we cannot debate the political spending reality.

If you look at the graph below on GDP growth and Debt growth, you can see in modern times that with the exception of the years following World War II and part of the Clinton presidency politicians of both parties are simply unable to pay down debt in times of growth.

Year-to-Year_Increases_in_US_GDP_(as_Percent_GDP)_and_Debt_(as_Percent_GDP)_Graph

File by By Ninjatacoshell

And even in the Clinton years the growth spike that made possible a balanced budget and modest pay down in debt barely dipped down to 0% growth in debt.  The lesson is not the Keynesianism does not work, but that American politicians are simply unable to follow it.

This blog has time and time again focused on the importance of outstanding leadership as the key component in an organization.  You have to have great people and great products, but without great leadership even initial success with a great product will bleed away over time.  So the easiest answer is to say vote for politicians with the courage to cut deficits in times of plenty.

But an equally important lodestone for the blog is look at the data.  And the data says that at best we have had two bursts of responsibility in the late 1940s and the Eisenhower years followed by a second short lived burst in the late 1990s.  In both of those periods growth provided the engine and the politicians used at least some of it to follow Keynesianism’s dictum to pay down debt.  But it is not a reasonable political theory of governance to suggest that we can now suddenly elect leaders willing to follow both sides of the equation.

We may in fact be at the start of a more general and broad based recovery.  We have had recovery in the stock market and the beginnings in housing, which are all traditional leading indicators.  And as if on cue, we see Keynesians such as  Paul Krugman saying that we really do not need to worry about deficit spending in entitlements now.  Worse, we see the left wing of the Democratic Party essentially saying we never need to worry about entitlements we just need to tax the wealthiest parts of American society.  Obviously, the Bush years of the 2000s demonstrate the Republican Party is just as blind in times of plenty.

We better figure out a new economic theory for the United States that will work in our political system.  There is no point in arguing for a doctrine that works brilliantly in a graduate school classroom or overseas, but has failed over decades to penetrate the American governing class.  Pounding your head against a wall is not governing.

China On Track To Overtake US Military Spending

22 Feb
by John, posted in China, competitiveness, Cost-Cutting, Government Spending, leadership, Liberty, Middle East   |  No Comments

As we enter another round of defense cuts, the politicians and commentators comfort the world with the statement that the US spends more than the rest of the world combined on defense. But the data over time tells another story. It tells us that we are following in the dangerous game of the 1930′s appeasement of Hitler.

The first chart below shows a familiar story. At some point in the coming decade or two the Chinese economy will pass the US economy in share of global gross domestic product. It is not a new story.

The second chart shows what is supposed to be a comforting story. The US consistently spends around 4% of GDP on defense and the Chinese only 2% of GDP. It is comforting, until you put the two charts together.

 

 

 

I have assumed that US and Chinese military expenditures remain the same at 4% and 2% respectively of GDP. Then multiplying that percentage times the GDP percentage at 2011, 2030, and 2060 you can chart out the dramatic increase in Chinese spending and the relative falling of US spending.

It is a truly sobering picture. Sometime in the decade following 2020 the Chinese military will spend at least as much as the US on defense. By 2060 the Chinese will spend 20% more on defense than the US.

And that assumes as China rapidly develops and increases in national wealth that it keeps defense expenditures at 2% of GDP. Wealthier nations, should they choose, can spend far more. That is precisely the US history since World War II. As the US national wealth increased it could afford 4% to 7% annual GDP spending on defense. China could make the same decision in the coming fifty years. At that point the US would spend half or less than half of the Chinese on defense.

Instead of focusing on military spending designed to deter the Chinese threat, the US is off debating interventions in the minor backwaters of the Middle East and cutting military spending. US doctrine for years spent money on defense to deter military conflict. Turning away from deterrence to unilateral disarmament invites Chinese militarism. It incents the worst elements of the Chinese Communist Party.

What should Washington and it allies pursue as an alternative to Chinese military dominance?

As is often repeated but never acted upon, the US must have dramatic increased economic growth. Unless we can bend the disparity in growth, the Chinese economic base will simply outstrip our ability to fund our military. We must have growth.

The United States must call in its allies and reverse their dramatic cuts in defense spending. Britain, France, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the other US allies with an actual track record of fighting for freedom all spend at or less than 2% on their military. This simply cannot continue. Without their own stronger efforts the US can no longer afford to shield them.

The most critical and radical challenge is to find a new ally or allies in the emerging democracies with rapid economic growth. India with all its problems is an obvious possibility. Indian troops in large measure retook Burma and saved Eastern India from the Japanese in World War II. It has the potential for the type of economic growth to balance against China.

I also have hopes that the promise of Chinese democracy from Tiananmen Square will revive as the economy expands. But we cannot count upon it.

The 1930s appeasers of Hitler believed they faced two fundamentals. In the midst of the Depression Stanley Baldwin and Neville Chamberlain as successive prime ministers in Britain did not believe they could afford rearmament, so the pursued disarmament. They also looked at Germany in the 1930s and took comfort in British and French military superiority.

When even the appeasers realized they must rearm and face Hitler, the countries they had led were so far behind in the armament race they could no longer compete. Only the might of US industrial expansion made possible the sacrifice that lead to Hitler’s defeat. If the third graph becomes reality, it dictates we must act now to avoid an appeaser’s fate.

Sometimes Healthcare and Education Are Simple

11 Feb
by John, posted in Government Spending, Healthcare, innovation, leadership, Policy   |  3 Comments

The Boulder Daily Camera was kind enough to republish this post in the paper and online.

I tend to approach most organizational problems from a turnaround executive’s perspective.  The first thing you need is data.  An organization in turmoil never has relevant data or they are looking at irrelevant data.

It is always the case that when you pull the data out of the organization, often by hiring outsiders, that naysayers will deny the data.  In bad organizations it is has usually been years since any leader took a strategic view of the fundamental data underlying failure.

Healthcare:

At a strategic level all you need to understand is the following slide from Mary Meeker of Kleiner Perkins Caufield & Byers.

Mary Meeker on Healthcare Cost and Quality

 

You can say anything you want about healthcare, you can propose any solution, you call yourself a liberal or a conservative on healthcare, but on a strategic level it is very simple.  We spend too much for mediocre healthcare.

Do not tell me about your friend from Canada who came to the US for surgery.  Do not tell me about death panels.  Do not tell me about the Affordable Care Act, which continues in large measure the same fragmented state by state fee for service model.  Any proposal must end the US paying more to live shorter.

If you cannot propose a solution that solves that strategic problem with evidenced based data, then we need a single payor system.  The data shows it delivers longer lives for less.  Personally, I favor the continental systems  that allow you to pay for additional private insurance above the basic national system.

If we were evidence based, we would implement a single payor national plan tomorrow.

Shutdown the US Department of Education

fed-ed-spending

 

The Heritage Foundation produced the above chart. I know that immediately makes some liberals want to ignore it.  But before you attack someone’s credibility, at least contemplate their ideas.

After World War II the United States developed a strong universal K to 12 public education system and the world’s finest higher education system.  It is really wrong to call either a “system” in the traditional sense.  In large measure the individual states controlled both public and higher education with the minor exceptions of private institutions.  They independently developed their own approaches.

In 1971 spurred by all the usual well intentioned motives the Congress established the US Department of Education.  The department has spent hundreds of billions of dollars.  During that time US education has produced marginal increases in reading skills for students.

Although not in this graph, no one I know has produced any data to show US students gaining ground versus international peers in science, math, or reading.  While actual federal spending is slight compared to state spending, the federal money tends to lead the state money around the education options by the nose.  If you want federal dollars, your state funding has to be spent in a certain way (eg. No Child Left Behind and Race to the Top).

Again, how would a turnaround executive approach this problem?   Do we need to tax the entire country to support an agency whose primary role is to give away money under bureaucratic central control?  Has it produced positive results in the data?

In a corporate meeting at this point middle managers would be screaming about their budgets, caring for children, the need for federal dollars in needy parts of the states.

That’s not the question.  Let us assume we need to spend federal dollars, indeed let us assume two times or ten times more should be spent.  The question is do we need a large federal agency with a bad track record of results doling out the funds?

Obviously not based on the data.

Now notice what happens when you are data driven on strategy.    One path (healthcare) dictates socialized medicine and the other (education) devolves powers to the states. There is no ideology in delivering.

 

 

Scary Invitation Yields Enlightenment

22 Jan
by John, posted in Government Spending, Healthcare, innovation, Policy, Uncategorized   |  No Comments

I attended a Boulder City Club Death and Dying seminar today – sounds really great, I know!  It is a complex subject about planning death to be a meaningful part of life physically and spiritually.  But there was also an amazing set of economic statistics.

There are about 8.5 million people 80 or older by some estimates.  If you give those people palliative care in the last six months of their life versus curative care, you save about $7,000 per patient.  They also live longer and report a better quality of life.

What is palliative care? It is the provision of care to a terminal patient that is designed not to cure them or to take heroic efforts to cure them, but to lessen their suffering, pain, and stress.  Patients spend less time in the hospital and nursing homes and more time at home.

My envelope scribbling mid-session yielded – 8.5 million times 7,000 equals almost 60 billion dollars.  The life expectancy of an 80 year old is surprisingly good, about 8 to 10 years with sex as the biggest variable favoring women.  That means 60 billion dollars in Medicare savings over 8 to 10 years.

So better quality measured objectively by lifespan and self reported subjective measures.  It is cheaper.  Why are we not offering this in every prison, hospital, nursing home, or other institution with suffering patients?

This is also the kind of initiative that reforms something and yields savings as a byproduct of permanently lowering a cost structure.  That kind of reform works versus annually thrashing around cutting doctor reimbursements, taxing medical devices, and shoveling out money in the last six months of life.

Enlightenment can come from a scary invitation.

Repeating the Disarmament Mistakes of the 1930s

29 Dec
by John, posted in China, Cost-Cutting, Government Spending, Middle East, UK   |  No Comments

In the early 1930s Stanley Baldwin, stalwart Conservative and Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, told the British people what they wanted to hear.  Britain could afford to disarm.  Germany was weak militarily and economically.  The allied French army was on paper the greatest military force in Europe.  The British fleet controlled all the world wide sea lanes without challenge.

Neville Chamberlain succeeded Baldwin as the next Tory Prime Minister.  Chamberlain was a successful businessman who hated government spending and saw cost-cutting as essential to British recovery from the Great Depression.  Chamberlain continued to resist effective rearmament  into the mid and late 1930s, while he negotiated with Hitler and a rearming Germany.

What an irony of 2012 that a Conservative government in Britain followed by the United States would essentially disarm in the face of rearming and expansionist totalitarianism.  But where is Hitler today? Germany is even more disarmed than Britain and Chancellor Merkel is as far from her predecessor as possible.

China is predicted to pass the US economy in size based on GDP at some point in the next decade or two.  More troubling is the opaque expanding Chinese military budget.  We know it is growing even faster than its GDP growth, but we have to rely on our intelligence agencies for estimates of the growth.  And we also know that the more a culture differs from Western cultures the more likely those estimates are inaccurate.  Vietnam, the Soviet Union in the 1980s, and Iraq stand out amongst other less spectacular failures.

Hitler  began negotiations during Baldwin’s premeirship with the occupation of the Rhineland in 1936. He followed that violation of international law with a persistent attack upon the unfairness of the Versailles Treaty that ended the First World War against Germany.  Hitler’s outward argument was that a revived Germany was entitled to a place at the world stage with its historical territorial claims heard not as conquering demands but the righting of a historical wrong.  His internal argument was German nationalism, German racial dominance in a “Greater Germany”, and a xenophobic hatred of non-Germans.

Chinese nationalism is on the rise.  In the last year we have seen repeated protests against the Japanese  and others within China all with state encouragement.  China is aggressively pursuing long dormant claims in the South China Sea and Sea of Japan.  The shores opposite Taiwan are now armed with missiles capable of threatening any US or allied naval transit of these international waters.  China’s external explanation for rearmament and territorial claims are a revived China is entitled to a place at the world stage with its historical territorial claims heard not as conquering demands but the righting of historical wrongs.  We have to rely on our intelligent services for the internal Chinese argument.

While Tibet may not be Poland in 1940, it certainly has the appearance of occupied France in 1940.  It is a culture preserved solely for the amusement and propaganda of the conquerors.  While the current US and British governments are obsessed with the same budget deficits of Baldwin and Chamberlain, the Chinese are rearming and hiding the extent of it just as Hitler did.

What then is the lesson of US and British disarmament in the 1930s?  It is certainly not Senator McCain’s reactively attack everywhere dissipating our strength.  That line of thinking has us obsessed with Georgia, Syria, and the other backwaters of the Middle East, the Caucuses, and Asia Minor.  The lesson of the 1930s is to carefully identify the fatal threat and maintain a national defense capable of overwhelming deterrence to that threat.

China is growing and rearming.  It is the only potential fatal threat.  If its economy peaks that threat may fade, but if the pace continues potential will become reality.

Once you begin disarmament and incorporate the savings into your yearly budget, it is enormously difficult to reverse.  The cost of rearmament under threat contributed to Chamberlain’s desire to negotiate, which further encouraged Hitler’s view of British decline – the opposite of deterrence.  To publicly cut in 2013 the US and British military for Baldwin’s and Chamberlain’s 1930s budget priorities is to repeat the mistakes of history and invite a shooting war in Asia.